Old 355ml (right) and new 295ml Five Alive frozen juice can from Minute Maid

If, like me, you went to the grocery store recently and thought that frozen juice can felt a bit odd in your hand, it's not your imagination. Minute Maid has decided to reduce the size of its frozen juice cans as a cost-saving measure.

The move is, of course, not being announced. There's no obvious indication on the cans that their size has been reduced (the only real difference is that the logos have been rotated so they're upright when the can is standing), and at least one major grocery store isn't selling it for cheaper. On a trip to Loblaws last weekend, I confirmed that both the new and old size of can (the old ones were still in stock) were on sale at $1 each (the two have different bar codes, so it's not a technological limitation).

And, in case you're wondering, it hasn't just been ultra-concentrated like those liquid laundry detergents. They still recommend emptying the can's contents and three cans worth of water to mix the juice. So now instead of getting 1.42 litres of juice, you get 1.18 litres, a reduction of 17%

When asked about the change, Minute Maid (which is owned by Coca-Cola) said this:

"With the increase in commodities, rather than pass the total cost on to the consumer, the decision was made to adjust the package size to offset some of the increase the consumer would have had to pay if this adjustment wasn’t made."

I then asked why this change wasn't made clear to the customer. I didn't get a response.

Loblaws also didn't respond to a query about why it didn't make the change clear to customers and why it was charging the same for both sizes of can.

I can understand commodity prices, inflation and the increased cost of doing business. One could even make the argument that some of these frozen juices could stand to be diluted more, mainly for health reasons (I usually dilute them to a full 2 litres, and even then they're quite sugary). But households aren't going to reduce the size of their juice jugs or how much they drink, so this move seems strange to me.

Except when you consider how subtle it is. When you see it in the context of tricking the customer into buying less and expecting more, it all makes perfect sense: It's a ripoff.

At least a few posts on Minute Maid's Facebook wall (which is otherwise clogged with posts from people who joined under the apparently false impression that doing so would get them a coupon) agree. None of those posts got a response.

Minute Maid's brands include Five Alive, Fruitopia and Nestea. Other brands (including No Name, which is still at 341ml) are unaffected ... yet.

So if you're at the store and you're about to grab a Minute Maid concentrated frozen juice, check the can to see if it's actually smaller than you think it is. And if you see a 355ml can (especially if it's still on sale for $1), stock up, because they won't last.

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Great Canadian Coaches bus parked on Berri St. last week

I was downtown around Berri St. and René-Lévesque Blvd. last week, frustrated that I had just missed my night bus connection, when I walked down the street and noticed this curious beast parked next to a hotel. It's a bus by a company called Great Canadian Coaches, based in Ontario. On the side is a mural of images of great Canadians past and present. The other side of the bus has another few dozen faces. By my count, there are 45 hand-painted images of Canadians (46 if you count Wayne and Shuster separately, more if you count the Group of Seven individually). I thought that was really nice.

Near the door, I spotted this image of Canada's governor-general, David Johnston:

Image of Governor-General David Johnston... or Johnson?

It didn't take me long to notice the spelling of his name next to his image. Shouldn't it have a T in it? I remember the newly appointed governor-general had the same name as a Gazette journalist (which led to some good-natured fun at his expense congratulating him on his new post).

Of course, I was right. Both the journalist and the governor-general are spelled "Johnston". It's kind of an embarrassing mistake to make on the side of a bus.

Here's the kicker: It's autographed.

Signature of Governor-General David Johnston (note the very apparent "T")

I tried to wrap my head around the logic. Did the governor-general sign his name and not notice that his name was misspelled right there? Was the name added after the signature? Was Johnston just too polite to point out the error?

Rather than jump to conclusions, I asked the bus company and Rideau Hall's press office about the mistake.

Rideau Hall's Marie-Eve Létourneau responded to my email (in which I tried to be as protocol-friendly as possible, referring to him as the Right Honourable David Johnston, stopping just short of calling him "His Excellency"). She said Johnston did indeed sign the bus when both were in Waterloo, Ont. She said he did notice the misspelling of his name but "made no mention of the misspelling" to Great Canadian Coaches. She said they would address the matter with the company.

The story from Great Canadian Coaches differs slightly. Managing Director Lorna Hundt said the company was aware of the misspelling, and "we are waiting until we have the coach home long enough to have it corrected.

"We were very embarrassed about it, especially when we met him and had him sign his image on the coach," she continued. "He was wonderful about it and showed his keen sense of humour, saying that he always spelled his name incorrectly when he stole sheep from the neighbour’s farm."

It's a cute little anecdote, even if it contradicts what Rideau Hall told me.

Hundt said the company felt bad about the error. "We take a great deal of pride in the images on our coaches, and this mistake was regrettable," Hundt wrote in an email.

Great Canadian Coaches has many buses, each with a different mural honouring different people (with themes such as stage and screen, women, musicians and athletes). Though it was particularly embarrassing because it happened on the only image on this particular bus that has been autographed, it's not the end of the world.

Except Johnston's name isn't the only one they misspelled.

(For the sake of those who may not be familiar with some of these figures - and I admit some were unfamiliar to me - I've linked the photos to their Wikipedia pages)

Craig Kielburger becomes "Craig Keilburger"

"Wilfred Gordon Bigelow" becomes "Wilford Gordeon Bigelow"

When I got home, I went on the company's website to learn about them. I saw pictures of their other buses, and noticed that some of them also had misspellings.

Leslie Nielsen becomes "Leslie Neilson"

Mike Myers becomes "Mike Meyers"

Sarah Chalke becomes "Sarah Chalk"

Françoise-Marie Jacquelin becomes "Fracoise-Marie Jacquelin de la Tour"

Henrietta Muir Edwards becomes "Henriette Muir Edwards"

Alex Baumann becomes "Alex Bauman"

When I asked Hundt about additional misspellings, she said "Let me know what you found, and we’ll take care of it."

Well, here's what I found. From the names I saw on that bus in Montreal, and the ones I found on photos online, about 100 total, I found nine errors.

I'll leave it to the reader to decide whether a 9% error rate is acceptable for names of supposedly famous Canadians that a company puts on the side of a bus.

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Canadian Tire bilingual flyers for Ontario and Quebec

It's the latest chapter in Canadian companies playing down their Canadian-ness in Quebec. (Remember when Tim Hortons cups here didn't have maple leaves on them?)

For this week's flyer, Canadian Tire produced different versions for Quebec and the rest of the country. This is partly because the flyer is for a week starting June 24, and the flyers in Quebec can't show Friday specials since stores were closed in Quebec on Friday.

But there's also that big special on a $10 Canadian flag. It's not in the Quebec flyer, not even on the back page. And while the bilingual flyer on the left (for Alexandria, Ont.) notes that the specials are for Canada Day, the one on the right doesn't mention it.

Maybe there's a perfectly reasonable explanation for this. The Quebec flyer covers both the Fête nationale and the run up to Canada Day, so maybe Canadian Tire didn't want to be seen favouring one holiday over the other. The inside pages reference both holidays at the top. And you'll notice the product shots in Quebec have Quebec flags in the background.

Or maybe, like Tim Hortons, Canadian Tire thought it was best to play down Canadian patriotism so it doesn't piss off the separatists.

Montrealer Ted Duskes, who spotted this, writes:

Talk about pandering. This is the second year in a row that they have pulled a similar "disappearing flag act".

Are they really "Canadian Tire" or are they planning a name change to go along with the missing "Canadian Tire" that they have removed from their red triangular logo. Maybe the new logo is blue, with a fleur-de-lys, but only for Quebec.

They really know how to annoy a 45 year (formally) loyal customer.

I've contacted Canadian Tire to ask for an explanation. Here's what I got back from Communications Manager Sébastien Bouchard:

Canadian Tire has a long history in Canada, including Quebec, and we are proud to be a true Canadian retailer. Our country spans from sea to sea and, like other retailers, our customer marketing vehicles vary from one region to another. This year, in Québec we decided to use a red background with white maple leafs to create a color theme that clearly reflects the Canada Day long weekend. True to our roots, this year's flyer was definitely designed to celebrate life in this great country of ours.

In other words, a non-answer.

UPDATE (June 29): Similar situations at other stores.

Walmart Canada Day weekend flyer. Left: Miramichi, NB. Right: Montreal, QC

The difference in the Walmart flyer is pretty striking. I've chosen a New Brunswick flyer to show a bilingual one. Note that the NB one squeezes in a reference to Canada Day in both languages, while the Quebec one isn't even red.

Loblaws Canada Day weekend flyer. Left: Ontario. Right: Quebec

At Loblaws, the reference to Canada Day is smaller in Ontario. But the Quebec one talks about a "four-day sale" covering Canada Day, and mentions how stores will be open July 1, all without using the word "Canada".

Future Shop offers a Canada Day online sale in English...

... but a "Solde du déménagement" in French

Future Shop takes a slightly different route, focusing on the fact that July 1 is Moving Day in Quebec and people who move tend to buy new things. Though francophone Canadians outside Quebec might be a bit confused, since they get the same page, as far as I can tell.

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Note that this does not necessarily mean there's an agreement in principle. The release mentions nothing about whether the union executive recommends the proposal, whether the employer will accept the proposal, or any details about the proposal itself. (UPDATE: Apparently the CSN is saying the union is, in fact, recommending the proposal, which is pretty huge -- oh wait, the union is now denying it has recommended the deal.)

The vote will take place Saturday at 10am at the Palais des congrès, and followed by a press conference.

You'll recall that the last vote on a proposal, in October, resulted in 89.3% of workers rejecting the offer.

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Rue Frontenac's newsroom

Rue Frontenac started as an idea, in that it was copied from an idea realized elsewhere. When the Journal de Québec was locked out for a year and a half, its workers launched a competing free daily and later a website called MédiaMatinQuébec.

The publication was a pressure tactic (a judge even ruled as such when Quebecor sought an injunction preventing them from publishing). It would keep people updated on the status of negotiations from the union's perspective. But more importantly, it would remind readers that the real power of the newspaper came from its journalists, who would continue to do their jobs despite being in a labour conflict.

In essence, the journalists protested their lockout by continuing to work.

Whether MédiaMatinQuébec succeeded in its mission of forcing the employer's hand by turning public opinion against it is a matter of debate. But it raised the profile of the locked-out workers, and journalists facing a labour conflict since then have made this idea part of their plans.

On Jan. 24, 2009, about six months after the end of the Journal de Québec lockout and less than an hour after an agreement not to launch a labour conflict had expired, 253 members of the Syndicat des travailleurs de l'information du Journal de Montréal were officially locked out of their jobs.

The lockout wasn't a surprise - the writing had been on the wall for months. So a plan was already in place when the lockout became official (for both the employer and the union). Journalists would work out of the STIJM's offices, which are next door to the Journal de Montréal's office building at 4545 Frontenac St., at the end of Mont Royal Ave.

But rather than a free daily, they decided to go with a website. Unlike Quebec City, Montreal already had two free daily newspapers (one of which is owned by Quebecor), and its larger area makes it less practical to distribute a newspaper on a daily basis. Four days after the lockout began, RueFrontenac.com was launched.

(The title is somewhat ironic - though next door to the Journal's offices on Frontenac, the STIJM is actually on Iberville St., just north of where Frontenac merges into it.)

Its team of journalists, working out of drafty offices without most of the usual office comforts, continued to work their beats, trying to come up with exclusives that would raise the website's profile. It's now considered a primary source of news and a major news organization in Montreal.

Rue Frontenac's first issue in October

In October 2010, after a successful test the year before with a special Canadiens issue, Rue Frontenac launched as a weekly tabloid newspaper to accompany the website. Rather than try to stay up to date with breaking news (much of it would be days old), the paper focused on features and exclusive reports. It was more of a magazine on newsprint than a newspaper.

Richard Bousquet, who has been coordinating Rue Frontenac in both its formats, says he worked seven days a week from August to December on this project, until he finally took a vacation over the holidays.

When it launched, Rue Frontenac had 1,400 distribution points, most shared with the free weekly Voir. Now, Bousquet says, it's more like 1,600. And distribution points in Quebec City have been added to those in the Mauricie, Eastern Townships and Outaouais regions. The publication is also taking names of people who would be interested in paid delivery.

The print run is 75,000 copies, and Bousquet wants a return rate of under 5%. Right now it's about twice that, but dropping as they adjust the number of copies for each stand.

The plan is that, with the exception of labour costs paid out by the union's strike fund, the paper should be self-sufficient financially, meaning that advertising revenue (and maybe subscription revenue) should pay for printing and distribution costs.

Advertising comes slowly

"Ça roule," union president Raynald Leblanc said during a press conference two weeks ago when asked about advertising in the paper edition. The reality is a bit more complex.

The first issue of Rue Frontenac had quite a bit of advertising, but it was mostly from unions showing solidarity, not businesses trying to make money.

A notable exception was Micro Boutique, the Apple dealer, which had a half-page ad in the first edition. Bousquet says they wanted in right away to take advantage of the media coverage surrounding the paper's launch. They knew a lot of people would be interested in that first issue.

For other corporate advertisers, the biggest problem was essentially a bureaucratic one: big advertising campaigns are planned and budgeted months in advance. This means there isn't much money for last-minute ads. Many advertisers are also worried about the long-term future of this newspaper if the labour conflict is eventually solved.

And then, of course, there are those who are worried about offending Quebecor, though that's not so much an issue as you might think, Bousquet says. "C'est pas un journal de combat," he clarifies. It's not afraid to say bad things about the media empire, but that's not its primary purpose, either. Obviously, they're not getting ads from Archambault or Videotron, but most other advertisers aren't afraid of what Quebecor might think.

(On Rue Frontenac's website, whose advertising is served by BV! Media, now owned by Rogers, ads for Videotron have appeared in the past, not because Videotron specifically wanted to be on RueFrontenac.com, but because the ads were displayed throughout the advertising network.)

As we enter into that 3-6-month window, more ads are showing up in the paper. We're entering RRSP season, which means a lot of ads from Desjardins, Bousquet offered as an example.

A profitable paper?

"On fait tout pour que Rue Frontenac continue à vivre," Bousquet says. Knowing that there's no way the Journal de Montréal will hire back all 253 workers or even a majority of that, the union eventually wants to offer the Rue Frontenac name to a publication that would be run by some of the workers who will be left behind.

It certainly won't be all the workers not hired back at the Journal who will be able to continue with Rue Frontenac. Forced to pay salaries on top of other expenses, its budget wouldn't be able to support 200 workers, or even 100, Bousquet admits.

Still, he feels strongly optimistic about Rue Frontenac's future as a small publication filling a niche as a weekly newspaper focused on in-depth, exclusive stories, and a website with mostly original breaking news.

Asked whether he thinks having an actually profitable newspaper is feasible, he responds: "Oui, il y a possibilité. On croit que économiquement c'est possible."

There are no big plans for the short term (at least, none Bousquet was willing to share), but they do plan to study their audience and their options. They're still collecting names as they figure out whether they should implement a home delivery service, and they're studying the possibility of increasing from one to two editions a week of the newspaper.

After the lockout

When a contract offer was voted down by a huge majority in the fall, and the union complained about an anti-competition clause as one of its main reasons for rejecting the deal, Quebecor CEO Pierre Karl Péladeau said the company would withdraw its demand that Rue Frontenac be shut down and that laid-off workers be barred from working for La Presse. (When the Journal de Québec conflict was settled, one of its demands was that MédiaMatinQuébec be shut down, which is why it is no longer online.)

There are still other issues on the table, the biggest one being the number of employees who would be allowed to return to work. Negotiations that have recently resumed are covered under a blackout that prevents both sides from commenting publicly, but I imagine that number is still a major issue.

La question qui tue

So if Rue Frontenac does continue beyond the lockout, perhaps with a handful of employees, what are its chances of success?

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Three TV cameras and a handful of reporters at a press conference on Monday about the second anniversary of the Journal de Montréal lockout

Having nothing better to do on a Monday morning, I headed to a press conference announcing the second anniversary of the lockout at the Journal de Montréal. Miscalculating public transit travel time, I arrived a few minutes late, and passed a man carrying a TV camera down the stairs. I missed little of the press conference, but it was clear none of the journalists there were particularly impressed by what they were witnessing.

That impression was confirmed in the news coverage that came out of it, or the lack thereof. Articles for Métro, The Gazette, Radio-Canada, and, of course, Rue Frontenac. No mention, despite the three TV cameras present, on any of the local newscasts that evening, not even as a 10-second brief with anchor voice-over.

I have a feeling some of them might have expected the artists invited to this Jan. 24 concert to be present, giving at least a minimum amount of interesting video. Unfortunately, though this lockout affects dozens of people who know media very well, the union failed to create an event that would be interesting enough to capture the media's attention.

I noticed that fellow media-watchers like Nathalie Collard, Steve Proulx and Stéphane Baillargeon weren't at the press conference either. That's perfectly understandable. They've all written quite a bit about the lockout, and wouldn't have learned anything new here they couldn't pick up from the press release that was published during the press conference: there's a concert with Les Zapartistes, Bernard Adamus, Karkwa and Damien Robitaille, and nothing earth-shattering on the negotiation front. To have them transcribe a predictable statement from these people and then try to get a reaction from Quebecor would have been a waste of their talents. (Fortunately, I have no problem wasting my time on stuff like this.)

Notice the banner covering the window, reducing the amount of light coming in

On my way to the press conference, I bumped into a colleague in the journalism business, and we briefly discussed the lockout and how other journalists deal with it. We disagreed on whether people feel free to criticize the locked-out workers and are too afraid to be seen as cooperating with Quebecor (see Deschamps, Yvon). I have, on occasion, been critical of the union's positions and of Rue Frontenac (as I'm being here) without feeling as though I would be attacked for it or be punished for it somehow. (Then again, I haven't given any exclusive interviews to the Journal, either.)

But this all makes me wonder: Are we just getting tired of this conflict? The "253" workers who have been "on the street" for two years certainly are. Even if they're still getting paid a significant salary, even if they're playing in a media sandbox where they can do just about whatever they like without having to answer to any big corporate boss, even if they know most of them will probably never again set foot in the building at 4545 Frontenac St. The uncertainty of the future, living in limbo, it must get tiring after a while.

The rest of us, meanwhile, even those who follow the local media and think that the Journal de Montréal conflict is the biggest story of the past two years, we've run out of things to say. Negotiations are barely proceeding (Jean-François Lisée notwithstanding) and in some cases even going backwards. Even the name of this show they're organizing, Le Show du cadenas 2, reflects that Year 2 of this lockout is just the same as Year 1, and Year 3 probably won't be any different.

The print version of Rue Frontenac has spiced things up a bit, but even then the tiredness sets in. Richard Bousquet, who coordinates that project, took a two-week vacation over the holidays after working seven days a week on it since August.

Everyone is tired of this. But both sides will keep struggling to push ahead, and there's no end in sight.

The Show du Cadenas 2 is at 8 p.m. on Monday, Jan. 24, at Metropolis. Tickets are $20 at Admission or the STIJM/Rue Frontenac offices just north of the Journal de Montréal.

UPDATE (Jan. 31): Video highlights of the show from Rue Frontenac.

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Fake phones at Best Buy

I'm currently in the market for a smartphone. I've had the same phone for four and a half years now, and it's starting to show its age. It's getting tougher and tougher to get the charger's plug in the right position to get it to charge, and I've recently learned that the alarm doesn't work when the phone is charging.

Meanwhile, my portable media player, a couple of years old, is also deteriorating. The audio jack doesn't always make proper contact, the top layer of its skin is flaking off, and the software design flaws I tolerated at the beginning are starting to get on my nerves.

Plus, it seems everyone cool has a smartphone but me, and I want to have at least basic access to the Internet when I'm out and about.

So wanting to kill three birds with one stone, I'm doing research into both handsets (I'm looking at non-iPhones) and voice/data plans. I'll probably do a plan post at some point, as I have a bunch of numbers in a spreadsheet right now.

With online research, I've narrowed down a short list of devices that meet my criteria: Wi-Fi and a web browser, an open operating system (Android or Symbian), FM radio (remarkably hard to find, and a major factor against the iPhone), and a feeling of ruggedness - I don't want some cheap plastic part to break after six months and render the phone useless.

Since there's just so much I can learn from reading specs sheets and looking at reviews online, I went to some stores recently to check out the devices in person.

Tables and tables of fake phones at Future Shop

Electronics stores have entire sections devoted to cellphones, each one tied to a security cord so you can hold it in your hand but can't steal it. You can touch the phones, slide out keyboards where such slides exist, and run your fingers across the buttons.

But that's about it. You can't turn them on, try the browser, see how high the volume goes, check out what software features it has, or anything else that involves a battery. You can get a vague idea of what the operating system looks like by the fake display that's pasted on, but you can't get any sense of how it works.

It's the same at the carriers' special shops. There might be a working iPhone display at the Rogers store, but good luck testing out that Motorola Quench or Nokia N97.

This seems ridiculous to me. Computers and laptops are almost always sold in a way that lets you test them out first. So are iPods, digital cameras and camcorders, TVs and other electronic devices.

I asked one of the customer service people at one of those inside-the-mall shops about having phones on display that actually work. He said that if they did that, the phones would constantly be stolen. Those phones, with the bungee cords attaching them to the table? And what about that iPhone - the most in-demand mobile device on the planet right now - that you've managed to setup a proper display for?

I've gone to Bell, Telus, Rogers, Fido, Virgin Mobile, Videotron and unaffiliated stores, looking for somewhere I can test drive one of these non-iPhone smartphones. I'm facing the prospect of choosing a $500 device without having turned it on first.

It's not exactly encouraging.

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As much as the media holdings are valuable, though, the acquisition's main value seems to come from the advertising network used by bloggers and more mainstream sites like Le Devoir and Rue Frontenac.

Financially, the deal is pretty sweet for B-V. The 40-cents-per-share price is 242% of the company's closing share price on Thursday and about double what the stock has been trading over the past six months at least.

But as much as I think the company is worth every penny of the asking price, I can't help but feel a bit sad at the loss of one of the few truly independent media sources left in Quebec.

It's not that I think Rogers is evil (okay, I do think Rogers is evil, but not more than its competitors) or that there will be some radical change to the way Branchez-Vous operates (they've already said all management and employees are staying). It's that a decision that was made by a small management team might now have to go through focus groups to remove any chance that it might offend anyone or detract in some way from the company's branding.

And even though the acquisition seems to be like a poodle eating a horse (Rogers's holdings in francophone Quebec are pretty limited - Châtelaine, L'actualité and LOULOU, plus some lesser-known magazines and trade publications - and its web properties get about a quarter of the traffic of Branchez-Vous's network), expect B-V to look more like Rogers by the end of this than Rogers looks like B-V.

Expect, for example, that Branchez-Vous freelancers are forced to sign Rogers Media's draconian contracts, that would grant Rogers the ability to freely reuse B-V content in its magazines.

And next time there's a labour conflict involving a media company (as was the case with Rue Frontenac), expect them to think a lot harder before deciding to take sides.

Most of all, a company that already took itself far too seriously will now do so even more.

But I guess it could have been worse. They could have been bought by Quebecor.

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Before: Astral Media

After: Astral

Logo changes are a fact of life, as companies realize that they've gotten old and boring and need some hip new way to stay in touch with people, like adding colours and going all-lowercase. They find a designer who whips out the Pantone booklet and gets to work on something abstract that will eventually get shot down by a committee until, 12 months later, a mediocre logo that doesn't mean anything and therefore doesn't offend anyone gets tacit support from the corporation and is released to the public.

Astral's new logo replaces a stylized "A" with ... another stylized "A" (but lowercase). According to the press release, the new logo "represents the company’s diverse assets, decentralized yet disciplined business model and the knowledge, passion and imagination its employees bring to the marketplace."

I think it represents the fact that the only thing a logo maker can think of when it comes to Astral is that it starts with the letter "A". But then, most corporate logos are just stylized letters anyway, although most aren't quite so phallic.

My favourite part of the release comes right after that quote:

The vibrant colour palette and creative shape of the new logo are designed to convey human warmth and emotion, within a defined and responsive structure that is grounded and resilient.

Astral is prepared to show human emotion, but only within a defined structure. If it wasn't obvious how big and corporate Astral Media has gotten, this should make it clear that it has nothing to do with the logo.

This video of an old white guy emotionlessly reading a statement filled with marketingese should accentuate that point.

Remember, these are the guys who own CHOM and Virgin Radio in Montreal.

Alain Bergeron: Out the door already

The redesign was apparently the work of this guy, VP and Chief Marketing Officer Alain Bergeron. Astral announced shortly after the new logo that Bergeron was leaving the company (supposedly he stuck around just long enough to launch the new brand identity).

The change has gotten some ink ... err, pixels, in the mediawatchosphere, like this piece form Trente. But there has also been some criticism, one calling it "a weird mess", people on Twitter expressing even worse criticisms, and one even putting money behind a contest to design a new logo. It's gotten so bad we're starting to see a backlash backlash, serious analysis of the larger issue and parody on the radio.

Astral Media (now just "Astral") is a private company and it can burn whatever cash it wants, even while it fires a bunch of front-line people and cuts hours of local programming at its radio stations to replace it with cheap syndicated crap.

But Astral has little brand recognition among the public. And there's nothing wrong with that. People don't go to the grocery store and buy Astral cereal. They don't subscribe to Astral cable. They don't turn on the TV or radio and switch it to the Astral channel. They go to Canal Vie, and VRAK.TV, and CHOM and Rock Détente. Astral's properties have their own branding, why should the parent company care what anyone thinks of its logo?

Maybe I'm missing something, but my gut tells me if Astral thinks this change will do anything more than force them to throw away a bunch of old business cards and letterhead (and signs), they're dreaming in Technicolor.

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Ford ad in The Gazette, May 4, 2010, Page A12

The text says "Passion to go the distance". Penguins in the windshield, and in the rear-view mirror is the Capitol Building in Washington. At the bottom, the logo of the Canadiens.

Ford hasn't had the best of luck trying to be funny in advertising in Canada, but this one was pretty cute. Not the most subtle ad ever created, but still relatively clever.

And hey, full-page colour ads pay my salary, so I'm not going to complain.

There was something I read recently (and, of course, can't find now that I want to link to it) about car companies wanting to stop having Canadian firms develop their own marketing campaigns. Instead, they could just use U.S. ads in Canada. This is a pretty good reason not only to keep Canadian-specific ad campaigns, but locally-focused ones.

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It's been a while. But we're back, baby.

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Here's a comparison chart to give you an idea of how they match head-to-head on à la carte packages:

Both Bell and Videotron tack on a $3 "network access fee" and a 1.5% LPIF fee, neither of which are included in their advertised prices (and aren't included in this table). None of the prices include installation, equipment rental, or bundle rebates (which is why Bell's basic rates are $10 more than advertised).

It's no coincidence that Bell's basic + 30 is the same price as Videotron's, that's the whole point behind Bell's offering, which is only available in Quebec. People in Ontario who might want to benefit from this aren't allowed to for no good reason other than Bell is better able to screw them over.

CBC asked the Competition Bureau about this obviously targetted pricing, but they said it would actually increase competition between Bell and Videotron in Quebec, and be good for consumers here. That's true, but it's obviously unfair to consumers in Ontario and elsewhere who won't have à la carte packages for the sole reason that Bell doesn't have a competitor in those areas willing to offer that option.

The CRTC should look into this, and consider requiring direct-to-home satellite providers to give the same options to customers in all areas unless provincial or local regulations make different demands.

UPDATE: Elias Makos points out something I hadn't noticed: Bell excludes a number of popular channels from its à la carte offering, including CNN, A&E, TLC, MuchMusic and Teletoon. You have to get a separate package for that.

In related news, Bell will also be offering remote DVR programming using Sling Media technology. This will be useful for people who forget to set their DVR to record a show while they're gone - now they can go online and remotely program it from the office or wherever they are.

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They include, of interest to Montrealers and Gazette followers (in alphabetical order):

• $253,808.16 to 1001 Dominion Square Management Inc., The Gazette's landlord
• $12,726.14 to Agence France-Presse, a newswire
• $406,505.42 to Amex for corporate credit cards
• $6,556.34 to the Audit Bureau of Circulations
• $47,497.80 to Bleu Blanc Rouge, which handles The Gazette's marketing campaigns
• $5,213.38 to Bloomberg, another newswire
• $114,700.77 to the Calgary Flames
• $74,763.18 to Canada Post
• $44,237.47 to Canadian Press (even though Canwest no longer uses CP) - listed separately as Canadian Press and The Canadian Press
• $5,179.91 to CNW for press releases
• $38,892.90 to Garda for security services
• $24,035.10 to Getty Images
• $1 million exactly to GWL Realty Advisors of Edmonton, the largest single non-bank creditor
• $24,419.64 to Henry's photo shop
• $44,100.00 to Ipsos Reid for surveys
• $21,380.91 to La Presse
• $22,575.00 to Kleintel, a Montreal-based phone survey company
• $28,041.92 to Legacy.com, a partner for paid obituaries online
• $10,450.00 to Loblaws
• $12,167.94 to the Los Angeles Times - Washington Post, another news service
• $16,558.62 to Messageries Dynamiques, a Quebecor-owned distribution company
• $52,783.50 to Microsoft Canada
• $145,026.49 to the Ministère du revenu du Québec
• $8,475.66 to the National Newspaper Awards
• $17,931.06 to Nestle Canada
• $5,065.31 to New York Times Digital
• $9,946.29 to the Ontario Press Council
• $50,400.00 to Orsyp Logiciels, a Montreal-based job schedule software company
• $90,000.00 to the Régie des alcools, des courses et des jeux
• $72,930.38 to Rexall Sports Corporation, which owns the Edmonton Oilers
• $37,153.20 to Rogers Media
• $34,755.00 to Rogers Publishing
• $11,841.84 to Saxotech Integrated Mediaware, which is providing a new desktop publishing system for Canwest papers
• $331,160.57 to Service-Now.com, which ... well, it's anyone's guess what they actually do.
• $70,987.96 to Sun Media
• $15,813.11 to Montreal's Teleze Inc., a telemarketing company selling Gazette subscriptions
• $87,499.65 to the Globe and Mail
• $8,065.02 to New York Times Syndication, yet another news wire
• $54,485.00 to the Salvation Army in Saskatoon
• $145,341.3 to Toronto Star Syndication Services and Torstar Syndication Services
• $10,773.90 to (Chicago) Tribune Media Services
• $27,151.49 to United Way in Edmonton
• $6,124.99 to the Winnipeg Free Press
• $112,481.44 to the Workers' Compensation Board of British Columbia
• $15,491.17 to World Entertainment News Network for celebrity gossip
• $45,986.85 to three radio stations
• $45,437.84 to four union locals

The list is very long, but two items stand out like a sore thumb because of the extra digits, and those are the ones that really matter in all this:

• $78,382,191.78 to the syndicate of banks under the senior subordinate credit agreement
• $449,411,375.34 to senior subordinated notes

That's (some of) the money Canwest LP owes the banks, and the reason it's in financial trouble.

What the list doesn't include, though, are freelancers, those independent contractors who provide stories and photos to newspapers in exchange for a negotiated fee. Most freelancers who did work between mid December and the Jan. 8 filing (and some who did work much earlier than that but weren't paid or didn't cash their cheques before the filing) are now grouped in with the paper suppliers, wire services, distributors and anyone else who provides goods and services to the newspapers and websites.

I counted two freelance columnists in The Gazette on the list through their companies:

• $5,418.00 to L. Ian MacDonald's Lian Public Affairs Ltd.
• $9,673.79 to Phil Reimer's Phil Reimer Communications. He's Canwest's travel cruise columnist

Other freelancers, including fine dining columnist Lesley Chesterman, are also out thousands of dollars as a result of this filing. Smaller freelancers (which may include myself, I'm still not sure yet) are out mere hundreds of dollars.

Whether they'll see any of that money owed depends on how much money is left to give to all the other creditors, and that will depend mostly on the sale price of Canwest LP. The banks have set a floor bid of $950 million, the amount they're owed for their loans (which means they wouldn't be paying for the chain but rather exchanging their debt for equity and ownership), but they're hoping someone will put in a higher bid. The higher the sale price, the more money can go to creditors. But there's little hope that the price will be high enough to pay 100 cents on the dollar.

That's very disappointing. The banks won't fold if they're out a few hundred million. The wire services aren't a few thousand dollars from bankruptcy. But some freelancers rely on it as their only source of income, and a few hundred dollars can be the difference between making a rent payment and having an angry landlord.

After Canwest LP filed for creditor protection (not to be confused with bankruptcy, which eliminates debt), it secured so-called debtor-in-posession financing, which allowed it to continue its business. This means that people who did freelance work after Jan. 8 will still get paid (along with other post-filing creditors), as publisher Alan Allnutt explained. That also puts many in a strange position of getting screwed out of payment but still continuing to do business with a company.

If only I understood business, it would all make sense to me.

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Today, those rumours prove true. A consortium led by Jerry Grafstein, Raymond Heard and Beryl Wajsman announced it will be submitting a bid to buy The Gazette, the Ottawa Citizen and the National Post, pending due dilligence.

The coverage - Toronto Star, Globe and Mail, CBC, Reuters, Editor & Publisher, Financial Post - all say the same thing, quoting liberally from the news release and saying the three consortium leaders believe in local control of local newspapers.

No price has been mentioned, nor are the other financial backers named.

All three have media cred: Grafstein, a recently retired senator, founded Citytv in Toronto. Heard was managing editor of the Montreal Star and then worked as news director at Global TV in the 80s. Wajsman is the editor of The Suburban and publisher of The Métropolitain. The Globe's Jane Taber has analysis of their political leanings, in case anyone really cares.

Unions (and unionized employees) look favourably at the central idea of this bid (Lise Lareau of the Canadian Media Guild calls it good news) because it seems to reject a lot of Canwest's anti-union moves, like centralization and outsourcing, and it's making all the right noises about local control of local newspapers.

There's also the unsaid implication that these three care more about respect than profit. (Like sports teams, media outlets tend to be more about ego than the bottom line.)

Looking at Wajsman's newspapers, there's at least some reason for optimism. The Suburban is big for a community paper, and while it's not pure as the white snow, it's not filled with press releases and it does actually employ journalists. The Métropolitain, meanwhile, is more of a think-tank than anything else, and is clearly not motivated by profit.

But looking at those newspapers also leaves some worried. Wajsman's editorials are a bit much for even some staunch federalists, and the papers have some clear editorial biases when it comes to things like the Israeli-Palestinian issue (something the Suburban doesn't have to deal with much but which The Gazette would have to deal with on a daily basis).

Many will also focus on Wajsman's political past. One person reminded me of his alleged connection to the adscam scandal, others have already created a Facebook group to protest his bid because of his pro-Israel, pro-business, anti-union stances.

Though I disagree with most of what he writes in Suburban editorials (and most of the opinions written in The Métropolitain), I'm tempted to ask how a right-wing, pro-Israel owner will somehow be different than Canwest. And if "progressive anglos" don't want their paper to fall in his hands, they're more than welcome to submit a bid of their own.

There are other obstacles to Grafstein and Co.'s plan, even if they have the money. The biggest is that Canwest (and the banks arranging for the chain's sale) want Canwest Publications sold as a unit. That centralized services include websites, customer service, advertising, page layout and Canwest News Service. Undoing that might be difficult and expensive (but it might also mean hiring more journalists, programmers and copy editors, which would clearly work in my favour).

And there might be other bids. The Globe is convinced Paul Godfrey is putting one together with his own financial backers. Other names being bandied about include Torstar, Quebecor, Transcontinenal, FP Newspapers and that guy Joe at the end of the bar.

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Don Watt, the man who came up with the simplistic black-on-yellow design for No Name products sold at Loblaws stores, has died.

Can't wait to see his casket.

UPDATE: More from Marketing Magazine.

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First they gave us those awful clothes for the 2008 games in Beijing.

Now, The Bay is offering U.S. Olympic team apparel in their stores:

Clearly The Bay has either given up on this country or, worse, is purposefully trying to undermine it. Perhaps they are being influenced by an evil foreign power, or they've become distracted by pretty American things, or maybe we just did something to piss them off.

Either way, as Canadians, we must rise up and perform our duty, assert our national identity and show the world we are Canadian.

I will be the first.

Hey U.S.A., sorry aboot all that, eh?

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In not-entirely-apologizing for the transgression, and reasserting the priority they place on communicating in a proper language in Quebec, spokesperson Thierry Lopez promised that "nous faisons évidemment tout notre possible pour que des erreurs telles que celle-ci ne se reproduisent pas."

Flash-forward to a few days ago, while I'm on Future Shop's website looking through the Boxing Day sales. A window pops up asking if I want to be part of a customer service survey, produced by a Michigan-based company called ForeSee Results.

For fun, I decided to choose French as my language. I got a window similar to this that popped up, and a survey in adequate enough French (though half the accents didn't work). I clicked on the bottom where it said "politique de confidentialité", wanting to know what this information would be used for.

Imagine my surprise when "politique de confidentialité", as well as all the other links on the bottom of that survey, led to an English-only page.

Another U.S.-based subcontractor, another translation fail. You'd think they'd start learning from this.

I asked for comment from Lopez concerning this latest gaffe. Haven't heard anything yet, but will update if there is a response.

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I wish I could tell you I knew the answers to these questions, as I am an employee of a Canwest newspaper, but the reality is that I don't know any more than you do. Canwest is a publicly-traded company (okay, it was a publicly-traded company), and as such anything at those upper levels has to be divulged to shareholders (via press releases) before it's told to the company's thousands of front-line employees. So I don't know any more than what's been reported through those releases and in the media. Neither does my boss. Neither does my boss's boss.

So everything is out there. CBC does a pretty good job of explaining the issues (and getting the facts right). Or you can get it from the horse's mouth on Canwest's public restructuring info page, complete with video of Leonard Asper.

For those too lazy to read everything, these are the facts as I've been told them from the company (and has been publicly released):

• The company that filed for creditor protection is called Canwest Media Inc. It owns the National Post, the Global Television Network, three cable channels (DejaView, Fox Sports World, and MovieTime) and the corporate office. You can see a diagram here (PDF). Canwest Limited Partnership is the company that owns the other newspapers (including my employer The Gazette), and the former Alliance Atlantis channels are owned by CW Media, which as its own structure. Neither those companies nor the parent company Canwest Global Communications Corp. has filed for creditor protection.
• Nothing has changed at the operational level, either on the affected side or the non-affected side. There's obviously a lot of concern among those inside and outside the company (and that might affect things like advertising contracts), but nothing has been shut down. Employees are still getting paid, and invoices are still being processed.
• Other than the National Post Company being transferred from the Canwest Media side to the Canwest LP side (to join the other newspapers), there has been no official word on the sale or reconfiguration of any assets.
• The creditor protection filing comes with a pre-packaged deal with 70% of some class of creditors (I'm not a business expert here, read the stories if you care), so it is expected to go through this credit-for-equity swap relatively painlessly. Negotiating this deal (and the sale of Australia's Network Ten) is why the company has gotten extension after extension on debt-related deadlines over the past few months.
• Canwest LP (the newspaper side) still has a lot of debt (about $1 billion) of its own, which means there will be some restructuring on that side as well. There has been no word on whether a creditor protection filing would be part of that.
• The television networks and newspapers are still profitable, and no matter what happens to Canwest they are expected to survive.

Admittedly, I'm drinking the company Kool-Aid here. Some of these things may change, or they might not. Everything we know for sure has already been released.

It would be easy for me to speculate on possible avenues here, but the Globe and Mail, Toronto Star and others are perfectly content to do that with their anonymous sources, and they're probably in a better position than me to do so. Maybe what they say is true, maybe it's not. I don't know any more than you do, and it would be irresponsible and counter-productive to make wild guesses about the future of this media giant.

Go ahead and make up your own theories. But just remember there are thousands of families who depend on Canwest properties to put food on the table.

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A worker pressure-washes the sidewalk through a Rogers ad template

The other night, leaving work just after midnight, I noticed a pair of guys with a truck doing some cleaning. It's not uncommon for graffiti removal pressure-washing to take place late at night downtown, since that's when pedestrian and other traffic is at its lowest.

But I noticed something odd: They were spraying a board of some sort.

The Rogers template up close

Getting a closer look, I saw it was an ad for Rogers, and put two and two together: these guys were part of some guerilla marketing campaign for Rogers, engaging in "reverse graffiti"

Now, reverse graffiti is not a new concept. It's been used before to great effect artistically, and it's been usurped by corporate forces too. So despite what the marketing genius behind this thinks, there's no new ground being broken here.

But that's not what bothers me.

Rogers "reverse graffiti" after application

Fido "reverse graffiti" after application

For one thing, reverse graffiti on a sidewalk isn't exactly very effective. Sidewalks are filthy, sure, but not in a way that pressure-washing can make a significant difference.

Fido ad 36 hours later

Case in point: that same Fido ad above 36 hours later is practically invisible.

Another Fido ad turned out slightly better

The best of three attempts at a Rogers ad: Would you notice this walking by?

Walking by these areas of sidewalk, I noticed that nobody else was noticing them. Why would they? Ste. Catherine St. at Peel is a heavily-trafficked area during the day, and people are too busy trying not to bump into each other to look down and see patterns in the sidewalk. It was only when I started taking pictures that anyone bothered to look.

But even that doesn't bother me so much.

No, what bothered me is this:

Waste of gas and water

Two guys rented a truck, spent a night downtown with a gas-powered pressure washer, which completed a rare trifecta of being a waste of gasoline, a waste of water, and an unnecessary noise in the middle of the night.

Let's hope this ill-advised, environmentally-unfriendly idea dies a quick death.

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Laurent Maisonnave on his iPhone, not that he'd ever cancel his contract unilaterally

The Quebec Liberals this week announced Bill 60, proposed legislation that would strengthen (or "modernize") consumer protections particularly where it concerns long-term service contracts like cellphones. The bill has already (and unsurprisingly) gained the support of the Union des consommateurs, and others. Cellphone providers have stayed silent for the most part, though their advocacy group says the bill is redundant because the industry is already looking to self-regulate (those who buy this please raise your hands).

The full text of the bill is online (PDF). It hasn't been debated in the National Assembly yet, so it could very well be changed significantly before it becomes law.

Here are some of the highlights:

• Changes to contracts must come with 60 days' notice and the consumer has the ability to cancel the contract without penalty if the changes involve "an increase in the consumer's obligations or a reduction in the merchant's obligations"
• Such changes can't affect "an essential element of the contract" like the nature of the service offered
• Fixed-term service contracts can't be unilaterally cancelled by the provider
• Consumers can't be required to pay penalty fees beyond simple interest charges for missed payments
• Merchants are required to fully explain existing warranties before asking customers if they would like extended warranties
• If you buy an item second-hand that's still under warranty, manufacturers can't require that you prove the previous owner abided by the warranty's conditions
• Gift certificates and gift cards cannot have expiry dates, and must come with written explanations of how to check the balance on them. They also cannot be subject to fees
• Contracts must come with various things in writing, including the total dollar value of "inducements" (like free cellphones)
• Contracts cannot be automatically renewed
• You can't be charged for service while the device you use to access that service (assuming it was provided with the contract) is being repaired
• Consumers can unilaterally cancel contracts and pay back the value of any inducements provided at contract signing (or 10% of the remainder of the contract, or $50, depending on the circumstance)
• Advertisements must include the full cost of services, less taxes (though it's hard to see how this would be enforced since cellphones, cable, Internet and other services come with different plans)
• In case a company breaks any of these provisions, the government or a recognized consumer advocacy body can seek an injunction forcing the provider to comply
• The bill also contains some minor provisions dealing with travel agents

A lot of these are common sense (no one should be allowed to unilaterally change a contract without the other side's consent, and companies shouldn't get free money out of gift cards). Others will probably be criticized because they allow loopholes that lead to abuse (for example, if I know Rogers is about to change their contract, can I get a three-year free iPhone deal and then cancel the contract a week later without paying a penalty and get a free iPhone?). Still others are open to interpretation (we could expect arguments about whether a certain change really increases the obligation of a consumer).

Others sound like they could be downright annoying, like being forced to sit down while a Best Buy employee reads out the complete text of a manufacturer's warranty to you.

But all in all, it's a good bill, and provides some valuable protections for consumers against abusive contracts. Law-abiding businesses should be able to point out loopholes that might be exploited against them, but let's hope the lobbyists don't start torpedoing parts of this bill just because it might cut down on their bottom line.

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